While some European countries, such as England and Germany, began to industrialize in the eighteenth century, the Netherlands and the Scandinavian countries of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden developed later. All four of these countries lagged considerably behind in the early nineteenth century. However, they industrialized rapidly in the second half of the century, especially in the last two or three decades. In view of their later start and their lack of coal—undoubtedly the main reason they were not among the early industrializers—it is important to understand the sources of their success.
All had small populations. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Denmark and Norway had fewer than 1 million people, while Sweden and the Netherlands had fewer than 2.5 million inhabitants. All exhibited moderate growth rates in the course of the century (Denmark the highest and Sweden the lowest), but all more than doubled in population by 1900. Density varied greatly. The Netherlands had one of the highest population densities in Europe, whereas Norway and Sweden had the lowest Denmark was in between but closer to the Netherlands.
Considering human capital as a characteristic of the population, however, all four countries were advantaged by the large percentages of their populations who could read and write. In both 1850 and 1914, the Scandinavian countries had the highest literacy rates in Europe, or in the world, and the Netherlands was well above the European average. This fact was of enormous value in helping the national economies find their niches in the evolving currents of the international economy.
Location was an important factor for all four countries. All had immediate access to the sea, and this had important implications for a significant international resource, fish, as well as for cheap transport, merchant marines, and the shipbuilding industry. Each took advantage of these opportunities in its own way. The people of the Netherlands, with a long tradition of fisheries and mercantile shipping, had difficulty in developing good harbors suitable for steamships: eventually they did so at Rotterdam and Amsterdam, with exceptional results for transit trade with Germany and central Europe and for the processing of overseas foodstuffs and raw materials (sugar, tobacco, chocolate, grain, and eventually oil). Denmark also had an admirable commercial history, particularly with respect to traffic through the Sound (the strait separating Denmark and Sweden). In 1857, in return for a payment of 63 million kronor from other commercial nations, Denmark abolished the Sound toll dues the fees it had collected since 1497 for the use of the Sound. This, along with other policy shifts toward free trade, resulted in a significant increase in traffic through the Sound and in the port of Copenhagen.
The political institutions of the four countries posed no significant barriers to industrialization or economic growth. The nineteenth century passed relatively peacefully for these countries, with progressive democratization taking place in all of them. They were reasonably well governed, without notable corruption or grandiose state projects, although in all of them the government gave some aid to railways, and in Sweden the state built the main lines. As small countries dependent on foreign markets, they followed a liberal trade policy in the main, though a protectionist movement developed in Sweden. In Denmark and Sweden agricultural reforms took place gradually from the late eighteenth century through the first half of the nineteenth, resulting in a new class of peasant landowners with a definite market orientation.
The key factor in the success of these countries (along with high literacy, which contributed to it) was their ability to adapt to the international division of labor determined by the early industrializers and to stake out areas of specialization in international markets for which they were especially well suited. This meant a great dependence on international commerce, which had notorious fluctuations; but it also meant high returns to those factors of production that were fortunate enough to be well placed in times of prosperity. In Sweden exports accounted for 18 percent of the national income in 1870, and in 1913, 22 percent of a much larger national income. In the early twentieth century, Denmark exported 63 percent of its agricultural production: butter, pork products, and eggs. It exported 80 percent of its butter, almost all to Great Britain, where it accounted for 40 percent of British butter imports.
Paragraph 1: While some European countries, such as England and Germany, began to industrialize in the eighteenth century, the Netherlands and the Scandinavian countries of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden developed later. All four of these countries lagged considerably behind in the early nineteenth century. However, they industrialized rapidly in the second half of the century, especially in the last two or three decades. In view of their later start and their lack of coal—undoubtedly the main reason they were not among the early industrializers—it is important to understand the sources of their success.
1.Paragraph 1 supports which of the following ideas about England and Germany?
○ They were completely industrialized by the start of the nineteenth century.
○ They possessed plentiful supplies of coal.
○ They were overtaken economically by the Netherlands and Scandinavia during the early nineteenth century.
○ They succeeded for the same reasons that the Netherlands and Scandinavia did.
Paragraph 2: All had small populations. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Denmark and Norway had fewer than 1 million people, while Sweden and the Netherlands had fewer than 2.5 million inhabitants. All exhibited moderate growth rates in the course of the century (Denmark the highest and Sweden the lowest), but all more than doubled in population by 1900. Density varied greatly. The Netherlands had one of the highest population densities in Europe, whereas Norway and Sweden had the lowest Denmark was in between but closer to the Netherlands.
Paragraph 3: Considering human capital as a characteristic of the population, however, all four countries were advantaged by the large percentages of their populations who could read and write. In both 1850 and 1914, the Scandinavian countries had the highest literacy rates in Europe, or in the world, and the Netherlands was well above the European average. This fact was of enormous value in helping the national economies find their niches in the evolving currents of the international economy.
2. Paragraph 2 suggests which of the following about the importance of population density in the industrialization of the Netherlands and Scandinavia?
○ It was a more important factor than population size.
○ It was more influential than the rate of population growth.
○ It was more important in the early stages than it was later.
○ It was not a significant factor.
3. According to paragraphs 2 and 3, which of the following contributed significantly to the successful economic development of the Netherlands and of Scandinavia?
○ The relatively small size of their populations
○ The rapid rate at which their populations were growing
○ The large amount of capital they had available for investment
○ The high proportion of their citizens who were educated
Paragraph 4: Location was an important factor for all four countries. All had immediate access to the sea, and this had important implications for a significant international resource, fish, as well as for cheap transport, merchant marines, and the shipbuilding industry. Each took advantage of these opportunities in its own way. The people of the Netherlands, with a long tradition of fisheries and mercantile shipping, had difficulty in developing good harbors suitable for steamships: eventually they did so at Rotterdam and Amsterdam, with exceptional results for transit trade with Germany and central Europe and for the processing of overseas foodstuffs and raw materials (sugar, tobacco, chocolate, grain, and eventually oil). Denmark also had an admirable commercial history, particularly with respect to traffic through the Sound (the strait separating Denmark and Sweden). In 1857, in return for a payment of 63 million kronor from other commercial nations, Denmark abolished the Sound toll dues the fees it had collected since 1497 for the use of the Sound. This, along with other policy shifts toward free trade, resulted in a significant increase in traffic through the Sound and in the port of Copenhagen.
4.According to paragraph 4, because of their location, the Netherlands and the Scandinavian countries had all of the following advantages when they began to industrialize EXCEPT
○ low-cost transportation of goods
○ access to fish
○ shipbuilding industries
○ military control of the sea
5.The word “exceptional” in the passage is closest in meaning to
○ extraordinary
○ surprising
○ immediate
○ predictable
6.The word “abolished” in the passage is closest in meaning to
○ ended
○ raised
○ returned
○ lowered
Paragraph 5: The political institutions of the four countries posed no significant barriers to industrialization or economic growth. The nineteenth century passed relatively peacefully for these countries, with progressive democratization taking place in all of them. They were reasonably well governed, without notable corruption or grandiose state projects, although in all of them the government gave some aid to railways, and in Sweden the state built the main lines. As small countries dependent on foreign markets, they followed a liberal trade policy in the main, though a protectionist movement developed in Sweden. In Denmark and Sweden agricultural reforms took place gradually from the late eighteenth century through the first half of the nineteenth, resulting in a new class of peasant landowners with a definite market orientation.
7. According to paragraph 5, each of the following contributed positively to the industrialization of the Netherlands and Scandinavia EXCEPT
○ generally liberal trade policies
○ huge projects undertaken by the state
○ relatively uncorrupt governments
○ relatively little social or political disruption
8.The word “progressive” in the passage is closest in meaning to
○ rapid
○ partial
○ increasing
○ individual
9. The author includes the information that “a protectionist movement developed in Sweden” in order to
○ support the claim that the political institutions of the four countries posed no significant barriers to industrialization or economic growth
○ identify an exception to the general trend favoring liberal trade policy
○ explain why Sweden industrialized less quickly than the other Scandinavian countries and Netherlands
○ provide evidence that agricultural reforms take place more quickly in countries that have a liberal trade policy than in those that do not
Paragraph 6: The key factor in the success of these countries (along with high literacy, which contributed to it) was their ability to adapt to the international division of labor determined by the early industrializers and to stake out areas of specialization in international markets for which they were especially well suited. This meant a great dependence on international commerce, which had notorious fluctuations; but it also meant high returns to those factors of production that were fortunate enough to be well placed in times of prosperity. In Sweden exports accounted for 18 percent of the national income in 1870, and in 1913, 22 percent of a much larger national income. In the early twentieth century, Denmark exported 63 percent of its agricultural production: butter, pork products, and eggs. It exported 80 percent of its butter, almost all to Great Britain, where it accounted for 40 percent of British butter imports.
10.Which of the sentences below best expresses the essential information in the highlighted sentence in the passage? Incorrect choices change the meaning in important ways or leave out essential information.
○ The early industrializes controlled most of the international economy, leaving these countries to stake out new areas of specialization along the margins.
○ Aided by their high literacy rates these countries were able to claim key areas of specialization within established international markets.
○High literacy rates enabled these countries to take over international markets and adapt the international division of labor to suit their strengths.
○ The international division of labor established by the early rs was suited to these countries, a key factor in their success.
11. According to paragraph 6, a major problem with depending heavily on international markets was that they
○ lacked stability
○ were not well suited to agricultural products
○ were largely controlled by the early industrializers
○ led to slower growth of local industries
12. According to paragraph 6, what advantage could a country gain from being heavily involved in international commerce?
○ A steadily rising national income
○ Greater control over market fluctuations
○ High returns when things went well
○A reduced need for imports
While some European countries, such as England and Germany, began to industrialize in the eighteenth century, the Netherlands and the Scandinavian countries of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden developed later. ■ All four of these countries lagged considerably behind in the early nineteenth century. ■ However, they industrialized rapidly in the second half of the century, especially in the last two or three decades. ■ In view of their later start and their lack of coal—undoubtedly the main reason they were not among the early industrializers—it is important to understand the sources of their success. ■
13.Look at the four squares [■] that indicate where the following sentence be added to passage.
During this period, Sweden had the highest rate of growth of output per capita of any country in Europe, and Denmark was second.
Where would the sentence best fit?
14.Directions: An introductory sentence for a brief summary of the passage is provided below. Complete the summary by selecting the THERR answer choices that express the most important ideas in the passage. Some sentences do not belong in the summary because they express ideas that are not presented in the passage or are minor ideas in the passage. This question is worth 2 points.
Although the Netherlands and Scandinavia began to industrialize relatively late, they did so very successfully
○ Although these countries all started with small, uneducated populations, industrialization led to significant population growth and higher literacy rates.
○ Thanks to their ready access to the sea, these countries enjoyed advantages in mercantile shipping, fishing, and shipbuilding.
○ Because they all started with good harbors for steamships, these countries started with an important advantage in the competition for transit trade.
○These countries were helped by the fact that their governments were relatively stable and honest and generally supported liberal trade policies.
○ These countries were successful primarily because their high literacy rates helped them fill specialized market niches.
○ Because they were never fully dependent on international commerce, these countries were able to survive notorious fluctuations in international markets.
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These countries were helped by …
These countries were successful …
盡管一些歐洲國家，如英國和德國，在18世紀就開始了工業(yè)化，荷蘭以及丹麥、挪威、瑞典這些斯堪的納維亞半島國家的工業(yè)化則發(fā)展得較晚。這四個國家在19世紀早期工業(yè)化水平非常落后。但是在19世紀下半葉，尤其是在最后的二三十年間里，他們迅速地實現(xiàn)了工業(yè)化。鑒于這幾個國家的工業(yè)化起步較晚并且缺少煤炭資源——毫無疑問，這些都是導致他們不在早期工業(yè)化國家行列中的主要原因——了解他們成功的原因非常重要。
這些國家的人口都很少。在19世紀初，丹麥和挪威的人口總數(shù)不到100萬；而瑞典和荷蘭的居民數(shù)量也少于250萬。在19世紀，這四個國家均展現(xiàn)出了緩和的人口增長率（丹麥最高，瑞典最低）。但是到了1900年，這些國家的人口數(shù)量翻了兩倍有余，人口密度劇烈變化。荷蘭是歐洲人口密度最大的國家之一，挪威和瑞典最小。丹麥人口密度處于這四國的中游水平，但是趨近于荷蘭。
考慮到人力資本是人口的重要特征，這四個國家的優(yōu)勢在于受教育人口的比例非常高。在1850年和1914年，斯堪的納維亞半島各國的教育普及率是全歐洲或者全世界最高的，而荷蘭遠高于歐洲平均水平。如此高的比例對于幫助國內經濟在世界經濟的改革浪潮中找到自己的位置有著巨大價值。
地理位置對于這四個國家來說，同樣是一個非常重要的因素。這四個國家都緊鄰海洋，而且這樣的地理位置對于國際資源，漁業(yè)以及價格低廉的運輸、海上商運以及船舶工業(yè)有重要的影響。這四個國家因勢利導，很好地利用了各自的優(yōu)勢。有著悠久漁業(yè)和航運業(yè)歷史的荷蘭人在建造可以停泊蒸汽輪船的港口時遇到了困難。最終，他們在鹿特丹和阿姆斯特丹成功建造了港口，在與德國和中歐的轉口貿易以及海外食品和原材料（糖、煙草、巧克力、糧食和 油）加工處理方面取得了非凡的成果。丹麥同樣有著輝煌的貿易史，特別是在松德海峽（隔開丹麥和瑞典的海峽）的海上交通上。在1857年，一些貿易國家向丹麥支付了6 300萬克朗，作為交換，丹麥廢止了自1497年以來在松德海峽征收的通行費。這一舉措與其他自由貿易政策相輔相成，使得途徑松德海峽和哥本哈根港口的貿易額大增。
這四個國家的政治體制沒有對工業(yè)化和經濟的增長設置過多的障礙。而這四國不斷發(fā)展的民主進程使他們相對平穩(wěn)地度過了19世紀。這些國家被治理得井井有條，盡管政府在鐵路上給予了一定的扶持，比如瑞典政府修建了一些主要的鐵路干線，不過在此期間，沒有出現(xiàn)重大的腐敗和不切實際的國家工程。雖然貿易保護主義在瑞典比較比較明顯，但是就如同小國家依賴外國市場一般，這四個國家總體上還是以遵循自由貿易原則為主。在丹麥和瑞典，農業(yè)改革從18世紀末逐步持續(xù)到19世紀上半葉，，這一改革導致了有著明確市場定位的農民地主階級的出現(xiàn)。
這些國家成功的關鍵因素（教育水平高也起了促進作用）在于它們能夠適應由早期工業(yè)化國家決定的國際勞動力分配，并且監(jiān)視那些非常適合他們的國際市場的專業(yè)化領域。這意味著對波動劇烈的國際貿易市場存在著巨大的依賴。但它也意味著若有幸處于繁榮時期，一些生產要素的回報會特別高。1870年瑞典的出口額占國民收入的18%；在1912年更是達到國民收入的22%。在二十世紀初期，丹麥一度出口了63%的農產品：黃油、豬肉制品和蛋類等。其中，丹麥出口了將近80%的黃油，這些幾乎都銷往了英國，占了英國黃油進口總量的40%。
